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fyi,
Max Pyziur BRAMA - Gateway Ukraine
pyz@brama.com http://www.brama.com/
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 21 Apr 2003 15:46:55 -0400
From: statelists@STATE.GOV
To: DOSSDO@LISTS.STATE.GOV
Subject: A Vision for Ukraine
A Vision for Ukraine
President Bush, Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs
Remarks to Ukraine Civil Society Conference, George Washington University
Washington, DC
April 7, 2003
Thank you, Andy, for those kind words of introduction. Let me also thank Jim
Goldgeier of George Washington University and the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace for sponsoring this timely conference. I want to
acknowledge the presence here today of Ukraine's Ambassador to the United
States, Konstantin Hryshenko, as well as that of former U.S. Ambassador to
Ukraine Bill Miller, both of whom are committed to developing a strong
U.S.-Ukraine relationship.
It's a pleasure to be here today to discuss an issue that is crucial not only
to Ukraine, but also to the development of Europe as a whole. As some of you
know, this topic is of great interest for me. I have spent much of my career
working on democracy promotion in this region, and am very committed to seeing
this trend continue.
Those who have studied and observed Ukraine's development over the past several
decades and have watched the innumerable changes in Eastern Europe,
particularly since 1989, recognize that the surest path to realizing that
vision of Ukraine's full integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions is the
building of a modern, democratic market economy. That is a path that has been
successful for many countries in the region, Poland, Hungary, Romania, and
others.
Ukraine's stated intentions to count itself among the members of the European
Union and NATO, and to join global institutions such as the WTO, are
significant choices. In announcing its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, Ukraine
showed foresight, since in just 2 years, Ukraine will have three EU members and
four NATO members on its borders. These choices not only reflect a desire on
the part of Ukraine to become more integrated into the world. They also outline
clearly the most promising path for Ukraine's future.
However, real change will come when these stated intentions are matched with
the political will and transformation on the ground that will indeed advance
Ukraine on the path of full integration into the Euro-Atlantic framework.
Whether this happens will depend on the decisions the government and the people
of Ukraine make in the near future. It will require strong committed
leadership, forward-looking civil society leaders with an eye on long-term
reform, and a citizenry that is willing to stay the course and hold its
leadership to this task.
That's what I would like to talk about today: the importance of those decisions
for determining what kind of country Ukraine will be 2, 5, 10, 20 years from
now. Before I expand on this, let me state clearly that the Bush Administration
is committed to seeing the development of an independent, democratic, and
market-oriented Ukraine, and is determined to assist in making that vision a
reality. We have benefited greatly from the partnership we have had with many
countries in that region that have been our allies in democracy promotion,
security, and economic development. It is our desire to see Ukraine deeply
ensconced in the partnership between the U.S. and its European allies.
Let me turn first to leadership. There must be a commitment at the most senior
levels to taking the steps necessary to join the EU, NATO, and other
organizations to which Ukraine aspires. To integrate completely into these
institutions, Ukraine will have to demonstrate the force of its convictions by
carrying out concrete steps to adopt the laws, develop the practices, and
create the institutions of a truly democratic state.
This is because nothing is more central to Ukraine's integration into
Euro-Atlantic structures than the progress it makes on democratization. At the
end of the day, a true democracy will conduct free and fair elections, have an
independent media that accurately reflects real life, encourage civil society,
strengthen the rule of law, establish an independent judiciary, and hold its
leaders accountable for their actions. Let me stress, however, that it is not
simply the facade of institutions or going through the motions of an election.
It is immersing a country in what some are calling a "culture of democracy."
Integrating democratic practices throughout the governmental institutions,
permitting -- indeed encouraging -- a free exchange of ideas, and allowing the
natural checks and balances between the government and people to develop.
Let me say a few words about Ukrainian democracy. Indeed many rightfully ask
what the status of Ukraine's democracy today is. It depends very much on whom
we ask, and on what standards of comparison are being used.
If we ask different people, we would likely get different answers. If we are
comparing Ukrainian democracy to conditions under Soviet domination, Ukraine
has made great progress. But for the purposes of making policy, we in the
United States Government have to compare the current state of Ukrainian
democracy to where Ukraine has said it wants to be in the near future, namely,
in the company of EU, NATO, and WTO peers. And we must look at where it can be.
We see positive developments, and many of you have been part of these. We have
seen:
* Grassroots NGO development and coordination that has made a difference.
This made a difference in the March parliamentary elections: Ukrainian NGOs
worked together last March to make election monitoring more effective. Your
implementation of accurate exit polling prevented opportunities for vote
tampering after polls closed. You made it work.
* Independent media fighting back against attempts by the central authorities
to control your reporting and coverage of issues and events. We've seen you
form a trade union; we've seen your colleagues resign in protest against
attempted control; we've seen you sign a manifesto in favor of media
freedom; and we watched televised Rada hearings on media freedom.
* The growth of the Rada's independence, allowing it to become more of a
balance on the power of the Presidential Administration.
* A recognition by Ukrainian authorities and NGOs that they must confront the
threat posed by HIV/AIDS. While different than the other areas I've listed,
it is critical to Ukraine's development to engage in the fight against this
deadly virus, which is spreading at a faster rate in Ukraine and some of
its neighboring states than anywhere else in the world. Just two months
ago, the U.S. Embassy sponsored a conference on how we can work together
with Ukraine -- both the official and non-governmental sectors -- in this
important cause. I mention this issue because investing in one's people is
a critical measure of a country's social and political development. For
those familiar with the President's Millenium Challenge Account initiative,
you know that good governance, economic freedom, and investing in people,
specifically health and education, are criteria for eligibility.
Each of these is a crucial step along the path of democracy building and the
development of a vibrant civil society. Likewise, discussions like this
conference highlight such progress. This is an important exchange of ideas that
will bolster your efforts when you return. Those here who are part of Ukraine's
civil society contribute to the positive force that is steering the country in
the direction we will discuss today. These developments are encouraging, and
are injecting more accountability and transparency in the workings of
government than ever before.
But building accountability and transparency into governing are far from being
routine practices. There are still areas of continuing concern.
* Governmental harassment -- physical, financial and otherwise -- of
independent journalists and media outlets does not fit into our shared
vision of Ukraine integrated into Euro-Atlantic and global structures.
Human Rights Watch just published a report on March 17 that outlined many
of the restrictions that the state is putting on Ukrainian television.
* Civil society should not have to struggle to operate freely in a democracy.
Legal recognition for and protection of civil society groups should be
routine.
* Opposition politicians should be respected as necessary voices of
democratic dissent.
* Judges in a democracy should be free to make decisions based on the rule of
law, not on political demands.
Due to these concerns, we have decided to place a special emphasis on promoting
the forces of democratic change in Ukraine. We are particularly focused on the
preparations for the 2004 Presidential election and have set for ourselves the
task to do all we can to ensure that the playing field is level and that the
election is free and fair.
We have set this objective for ourselves because it is in the pre-election
period when elements of civil society are tested most fully.
* Civil society groups, particularly those involved in voter education and
election monitoring, should be allowed to operate without government
interference.
* Research institutes and think tanks should be able to investigate election
dynamics freely.
* Media coverage should be balanced and comprehensive, allowing all
presidential candidates to have their say.
* Voters should be allowed to choose freely, and not be subjected to threats
or manipulation.
Judicial decisions concerning candidates should not be arbitrary.
And as expected, there will be many impulses for reform in Ukraine that extend
far beyond the election. A simple look around the room shows the diversity of
activists and organizations that are focused on different elements of civil
society development and governmental reform. There is WTO membership, the
growth of small- and medium-sized businesses, and tax and financial reform,
which will provide opportunities for increased transparency and broad-based
prosperity. Likewise, there is the implementation of the NATO Action Plan which
will involve much more than defense reform. And the prospect of eventual EU
membership will bring in the perspectives (and support) of neighboring
countries.
Each of these external forces will promote the case for widespread reform.
However, the main push for reform and transformation must come from within
Ukraine. It is up to civil society to keep the pressure on, to ensure that
reform momentum does not become bogged down in bureaucratics or become
sacrificed to short-term gain. You have the vision and the staying power needed
to keep Ukraine on its chosen path.
And you have the support of the United States Government. Our Ambassador in
Kiev, Carlos Pascual, has been a tireless advocate for the promotion of civil
society and democracy in Ukraine. Also here today with us is Steve Pifer,
former Ambassador to Ukraine and current Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in
the European Bureau. He, too, has been a strong advocate for civil society and
democracy in Ukraine. We will redirect some of our assistance to support civil
society more vigorously, to build up the independent media, to encourage those
of you who will be preparing voters for the election.
But in the end, it's you who will make the difference. You and your
organizations will be crucial to ensuring the right decisions are being made in
Ukraine to lead it along the path to democracy. And if this path is not
followed, it is you and your organizations who will raise the warning flags. It
is you and your organizations who will keep our shared vision alive and who
will someday see the vision take full form as an independent, democratic, and
prosperous Ukraine. Thank you.
[End]
Released on April 7, 2003
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