aaus-list @ ukrainianstudies.org -- [aaus-list] A Vision for Ukraine (fwd)

[Max Pyziur <pyz@brama.com>]

fyi, 


Max Pyziur                                     BRAMA - Gateway Ukraine
pyz@brama.com                                  http://www.brama.com/

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 21 Apr 2003 15:46:55 -0400
From: statelists@STATE.GOV
To: DOSSDO@LISTS.STATE.GOV
Subject: A Vision for Ukraine

  A Vision for Ukraine

  President Bush, Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs
  Remarks to Ukraine Civil Society Conference, George Washington University
  Washington, DC
  April 7, 2003

  Thank you, Andy, for those kind words of introduction. Let me also thank Jim
  Goldgeier of George Washington University and the Carnegie Endowment for
  International Peace for sponsoring this timely conference. I want to
  acknowledge the presence here today of Ukraine's Ambassador to the United
  States, Konstantin Hryshenko, as well as that of former U.S. Ambassador to
  Ukraine Bill Miller, both of whom are committed to developing a strong
  U.S.-Ukraine relationship.

  It's a pleasure to be here today to discuss an issue that is crucial not only
  to Ukraine, but also to the development of Europe as a whole. As some of you
  know, this topic is of great interest for me. I have spent much of my career
  working on democracy promotion in this region, and am very committed to seeing
  this trend continue.

  Those who have studied and observed Ukraine's development over the past several
  decades and have watched the innumerable changes in Eastern Europe,
  particularly since 1989, recognize that the surest path to realizing that
  vision of Ukraine's full integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions is the
  building of a modern, democratic market economy. That is a path that has been
  successful for many countries in the region, Poland, Hungary, Romania, and
  others.

  Ukraine's stated intentions to count itself among the members of the European
  Union and NATO, and to join global institutions such as the WTO, are
  significant choices. In announcing its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, Ukraine
  showed foresight, since in just 2 years, Ukraine will have three EU members and
  four NATO members on its borders. These choices not only reflect a desire on
  the part of Ukraine to become more integrated into the world. They also outline
  clearly the most promising path for Ukraine's future.

  However, real change will come when these stated intentions are matched with
  the political will and transformation on the ground that will indeed advance
  Ukraine on the path of full integration into the Euro-Atlantic framework.
  Whether this happens will depend on the decisions the government and the people
  of Ukraine make in the near future. It will require strong committed
  leadership, forward-looking civil society leaders with an eye on long-term
  reform, and a citizenry that is willing to stay the course and hold its
  leadership to this task.

  That's what I would like to talk about today: the importance of those decisions
  for determining what kind of country Ukraine will be 2, 5, 10, 20 years from
  now. Before I expand on this, let me state clearly that the Bush Administration
  is committed to seeing the development of an independent, democratic, and
  market-oriented Ukraine, and is determined to assist in making that vision a
  reality. We have benefited greatly from the partnership we have had with many
  countries in that region that have been our allies in democracy promotion,
  security, and economic development. It is our desire to see Ukraine deeply
  ensconced in the partnership between the U.S. and its European allies.

  Let me turn first to leadership. There must be a commitment at the most senior
  levels to taking the steps necessary to join the EU, NATO, and other
  organizations to which Ukraine aspires. To integrate completely into these
  institutions, Ukraine will have to demonstrate the force of its convictions by
  carrying out concrete steps to adopt the laws, develop the practices, and
  create the institutions of a truly democratic state.

  This is because nothing is more central to Ukraine's integration into
  Euro-Atlantic structures than the progress it makes on democratization. At the
  end of the day, a true democracy will conduct free and fair elections, have an
  independent media that accurately reflects real life, encourage civil society,
  strengthen the rule of law, establish an independent judiciary, and hold its
  leaders accountable for their actions. Let me stress, however, that it is not
  simply the facade of institutions or going through the motions of an election.
  It is immersing a country in what some are calling a "culture of democracy."
  Integrating democratic practices throughout the governmental institutions,
  permitting -- indeed encouraging -- a free exchange of ideas, and allowing the
  natural checks and balances between the government and people to develop.

  Let me say a few words about Ukrainian democracy. Indeed many rightfully ask
  what the status of Ukraine's democracy today is. It depends very much on whom
  we ask, and on what standards of comparison are being used.

  If we ask different people, we would likely get different answers. If we are
  comparing Ukrainian democracy to conditions under Soviet domination, Ukraine
  has made great progress. But for the purposes of making policy, we in the
  United States Government have to compare the current state of Ukrainian
  democracy to where Ukraine has said it wants to be in the near future, namely,
  in the company of EU, NATO, and WTO peers. And we must look at where it can be.

  We see positive developments, and many of you have been part of these. We have
  seen:

    * Grassroots NGO development and coordination that has made a difference.
      This made a difference in the March parliamentary elections: Ukrainian NGOs
      worked together last March to make election monitoring more effective. Your
      implementation of accurate exit polling prevented opportunities for vote
      tampering after polls closed. You made it work.

    * Independent media fighting back against attempts by the central authorities
      to control your reporting and coverage of issues and events. We've seen you
      form a trade union; we've seen your colleagues resign in protest against
      attempted control; we've seen you sign a manifesto in favor of media
      freedom; and we watched televised Rada hearings on media freedom.

    * The growth of the Rada's independence, allowing it to become more of a
      balance on the power of the Presidential Administration.

    * A recognition by Ukrainian authorities and NGOs that they must confront the
      threat posed by HIV/AIDS. While different than the other areas I've listed,
      it is critical to Ukraine's development to engage in the fight against this
      deadly virus, which is spreading at a faster rate in Ukraine and some of
      its neighboring states than anywhere else in the world. Just two months
      ago, the U.S. Embassy sponsored a conference on how we can work together
      with Ukraine -- both the official and non-governmental sectors -- in this
      important cause. I mention this issue because investing in one's people is
      a critical measure of a country's social and political development. For
      those familiar with the President's Millenium Challenge Account initiative,
      you know that good governance, economic freedom, and investing in people,
      specifically health and education, are criteria for eligibility.

  Each of these is a crucial step along the path of democracy building and the
  development of a vibrant civil society. Likewise, discussions like this
  conference highlight such progress. This is an important exchange of ideas that
  will bolster your efforts when you return. Those here who are part of Ukraine's
  civil society contribute to the positive force that is steering the country in
  the direction we will discuss today. These developments are encouraging, and
  are injecting more accountability and transparency in the workings of
  government than ever before.

  But building accountability and transparency into governing are far from being
  routine practices. There are still areas of continuing concern.

    * Governmental harassment -- physical, financial and otherwise -- of
      independent journalists and media outlets does not fit into our shared
      vision of Ukraine integrated into Euro-Atlantic and global structures.
      Human Rights Watch just published a report on March 17 that outlined many
      of the restrictions that the state is putting on Ukrainian television.
    * Civil society should not have to struggle to operate freely in a democracy.
      Legal recognition for and protection of civil society groups should be
      routine.
    * Opposition politicians should be respected as necessary voices of
      democratic dissent.
    * Judges in a democracy should be free to make decisions based on the rule of
      law, not on political demands.

  Due to these concerns, we have decided to place a special emphasis on promoting
  the forces of democratic change in Ukraine. We are particularly focused on the
  preparations for the 2004 Presidential election and have set for ourselves the
  task to do all we can to ensure that the playing field is level and that the
  election is free and fair.

  We have set this objective for ourselves because it is in the pre-election
  period when elements of civil society are tested most fully.

    * Civil society groups, particularly those involved in voter education and
      election monitoring, should be allowed to operate without government
      interference.
    * Research institutes and think tanks should be able to investigate election
      dynamics freely.
    * Media coverage should be balanced and comprehensive, allowing all
      presidential candidates to have their say.
    * Voters should be allowed to choose freely, and not be subjected to threats
      or manipulation.
      Judicial decisions concerning candidates should not be arbitrary.

  And as expected, there will be many impulses for reform in Ukraine that extend
  far beyond the election. A simple look around the room shows the diversity of
  activists and organizations that are focused on different elements of civil
  society development and governmental reform. There is WTO membership, the
  growth of small- and medium-sized businesses, and tax and financial reform,
  which will provide opportunities for increased transparency and broad-based
  prosperity. Likewise, there is the implementation of the NATO Action Plan which
  will involve much more than defense reform. And the prospect of eventual EU
  membership will bring in the perspectives (and support) of neighboring
  countries.

  Each of these external forces will promote the case for widespread reform.
  However, the main push for reform and transformation must come from within
  Ukraine. It is up to civil society to keep the pressure on, to ensure that
  reform momentum does not become bogged down in bureaucratics or become
  sacrificed to short-term gain. You have the vision and the staying power needed
  to keep Ukraine on its chosen path.

  And you have the support of the United States Government. Our Ambassador in
  Kiev, Carlos Pascual, has been a tireless advocate for the promotion of civil
  society and democracy in Ukraine. Also here today with us is Steve Pifer,
  former Ambassador to Ukraine and current Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in
  the European Bureau. He, too, has been a strong advocate for civil society and
  democracy in Ukraine. We will redirect some of our assistance to support civil
  society more vigorously, to build up the independent media, to encourage those
  of you who will be preparing voters for the election.

  But in the end, it's you who will make the difference. You and your
  organizations will be crucial to ensuring the right decisions are being made in
  Ukraine to lead it along the path to democracy. And if this path is not
  followed, it is you and your organizations who will raise the warning flags. It
  is you and your organizations who will keep our shared vision alive and who
  will someday see the vision take full form as an independent, democratic, and
  prosperous Ukraine. Thank you.


  [End]


  Released on April 7, 2003

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